Saturday, October 2, 2010

Fifty Years of War in Nigeria

Following World War II, in absolute response to the advancement of Nigeria nationalism and demands for independence, constitutions legislated by the British Government moved Nigeria towards self-government on a representative and increasingly federal basis. On October 1, 1960, Nigeria gained independence from the United Kingdom. Emerging as a federal Republic, on our 50th independence anniversary, analyzing our failures and achievements, this piece will look at Nigeria, a nation at 50, ‘the past, the Future’

Federal republic of Nigeria is a constitutional republic comprising thirty –six states and its federal capital territory, Abuja. Located in West Africa and shares land borders with Cameroon in the east, Niger in the north, republic of Benin and Chad in the west. The three most influential ethnic groups in Nigeria are the Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba. In terms of religion Nigeria is split half and half between Muslims and Christians with a very small minority who practice traditional religion. Occupying a total area of 923,768km2 (356,669 sq mi) makes it the 32nd largest country in the world. The main rivers are the Niger and the Benue River which converge and empty into the Niger delta. Interestingly, the name Nigeria was taken from the Niger River running through the country, as coined by Flora Shaw, the future wife of Baron Lugard, a British colonial administrator, in the late 19th century.

Nigeria is classified as a mixed economy emerging market, and has already reached middle income status according to the world bank, with its abundant supply of natural resources, well-developed financial, legal, communications, transport sectors and stock exchange. Nigeria is the United States’ largest trading partner in Saharan Africa and supplies a fifth of its oil, currently the 50th-largest export for U.S. goods and the 14th-largest exporter of goods to the U.S. the United States is the country’s largest foreign investor. Over the years, economic development had been hindered by years of military rule, corruption, and mismanagement, the restoration of democracy and subsequent economic reforms have successfully put Nigeria back on track towards achieving its full economic potential. It is now one of the largest economies in Africa, and the largest economy in West African Region.

According to the United Nations, Nigeria is the most populous country in Africa, estimated in 2009 to have 154,729,000, distributed as 51.7% rural and 48.3% urban, and with a population density of 167.5 people per square kilometer. Currently undergoing explosive population growth as it is one of the eight countries expected to account collectively for half of the world’s total population increase from 2005-2050. 42.3% of the population is between 0-14 years of age, while 56.6% is between 15-65, the birth rate is 40.4 while death rate is16.9 per 1000 people.

Healthcare and general living conditions in Nigeria has been poor. Life expectancy is 47 years (average male/female) and just over half of the population has access to potable water and appropriate sanitation; the percentage of children under five went up between 1990 and 2003 and infant mortality is 97.1 per 1000 live births. HIV/AIDS rate in Nigeria in 2003 was5.6% among youths of 20-29.there has been Polio crises as well as periodic outbreak of malaria, sleeping sickness and cholera which is presently experienced in the northern part of Nigeria. There has been a vaccination drive, spread headed by W.H.O, to combat polio and malaria that has also been met with controversy in some regions.

Education is also in a state of neglect. After the 1970s oil boom, tertiary education was improved so that it would reach every sub region of Nigeria. Educational system has been described as “dysfunctional” largely because of decaying institutional infrastructure. 68% of the population is literate and the rate for men (75.7%) is higher than that for women (60.6%).

Nigeria has more than 250 ethnic groups with varying languages and customs, creating a country with rich ethnic diversity. Because of its multitude of diverse ethno-linguistic groups, Nigeria prior to independence has been faced with sectarian tensions and violence. Taking us down to the early years of independence, this essay shall dig up all the causes of Nigeria’s failures and victories.

Newly independent, Nigeria’s government was a coalition of consecutive parties: the Nigeria People’s Congress (NPC), a party dominated by northern and those with Islamic faith, and the Igbo and Christian dominated National Council of Nigeria and Cameroons (NCNC) led by Nnamdi Azikiwe, who became Nigeria’s maiden Governor-General in 1960. Forming the opposition was the comparatively liberal Action Group (AG), which was largely dominated by the Yoruba and led by Obafemi Awolowo. The cultural and political differences between Nigeria’s dominant ethnicities, the Hausa (Northerners) Igbo (Easterners) and Yoruba (Westerners) were sharp. As it were, the Federal Republic of Nigeria gone from these three regions in 1954 to thirty-six states and a Federal territory since 1996. The country is in effect, under six geopolitical zones. While these zones are official or constitutional units of Nigeria’s federalism, they constitute for many purposes the organizing principle of country’s national politics. The six zones include the north-west (seven states), the north-east (six states), the north –central (six states plus Abuja, the federal capital territory), the south-east (five states), and the south west (six states). Among their consecutive states, their zones are defined to reflect political interests as well as ethnic, religious and historical harmony. But despite the political engineering, no zone including the most ethnical and religiously homogenous, has escaped the wrath of communal violence. Today, the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria reflect similar emotive dispositions that destroyed the now defunct region structures. Each harbor its own particular communal distresses that frequently give rise to the destruction of lives and property, a morbid actualization of the federal character doctrine. How ever, the causes of conflict in Nigeria could be traced back to 1966 when there was a back-back military coup. The first was in January and led by a collection of young leftists under Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna and Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu. It was partially successful; the coup plotters murdered the Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the premier of the northern Region, Sir Ahmedu Bello, the premier of the western region, Sir Ladoke Akintola. Despite this, the coupists could not set up a central government because of logistic reasons. Sir Nwafor Orizu, the acting president was then pressured to hand over government to the Nigeria Army, under the Command of General JTU Aguiyi-Ironsi. The coup was conceived out of the disequilibrium and perceived corruption of the electoral and political process. It was however counter-acted by another successful plot, supported primarily by northern military officers and northerners who favored the NPC; it was engineered by northern officers, which allowed Lt Colonel Yakubu Gowon to become head of state. This sequence of events led to increase in ethnic tension and violence. The northern coup, which was mostly motivated by ethnic and religious reasons, was bloodbath of both military officers and civilians, especially those of Igbo extraction. This cruel violence against the Igbo increased their desire for autonomy and protection from the military’s wrath. By May 1967, the Eastern region had declared itself an independent state called the Republic of Biafra under the leadership of Lt Colonel Emeka Ojukwu in line with the wishes of the people. The Nigeria Civil War began as the Nigerian (Western and Northern) side attacked Biafra (South-eastern) on July 6, 1967 at Garkem signaling the beginning of the 30 month war that ended in January 1970. More than one million people died in the three-year civil war. These killings created a lasting wound in the heart of the bereaved and revenge rested at the hearts of the citizens. That was not only the active events in Nigeria after independence. During the oil boom of the 1970, Nigeria joined OPEC and billions of dollars generated by production in the oil-rich Niger Delta flowed into the coffers of the Nigeria state. However, increasing corruption and graft at all levels of government squandered most of the earnings. The northern military clique benefited immensely from the oil boom to the detriment of the Nigerian people and economy. As oil revenues fuelled the rise of federal subventions to states and precariously to individuals, the federal government soon became the center of political struggle and the center became the threshold of power in the country. As oil production and revenue rose, the Nigerian government created a dangerous situation as it became increasingly dependent on oil revenue and the international commodity markets for budgetary and economic concerns eschewing economic stability. That spelled doom to the federalism in Nigeria.

Beginning in 1979, Nigerians participated in a brief return to democracy when Olusegun Obasanjo transferred power to the civilian regime of Shehu Shagari. The shehu Shagari government was viewed as corrupt and incompetent by virtually all sector of Nigerian society, so when the regime was overthrown by the military coup of Mohammed Buhari shortly after the regime’s fraudulent re-election in 1984, it was generally viewed as a positive development by most of the population. Buhari promised major reforms but his government fared little better than its predecessor, and his regime was overthrown by yet another military coup in 1985.Babangida Ibrahim, promptly declared himself president and commander in chief of armed forces and the ruling supreme military council and also set 1990 as official deadline for a return to democratic Governance. Babangida’s tenure was marked by a flurry of political activity; he instituted the international Monetary Fund’s Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) to aid in the repayment of the country’s crushing international debt, which most federal revenue was dedicated to servicing. He also inflamed religious tensions in the nation and particularly the south by enrolling Nigeria in the Organization of the Islamic Conference. After Babangida survived an abortive coup, he pushed back the promised return to democracy to 1992. When free and fair elections were finally held on the 12th of June 1993, Babangida declared that the results showing a presidential victory for Moshood Kashimawo Oluwale Abiola null and void, sparking mass civilian violence in protest which effectively shut down .the Babangida’s regime is adjudged to be at apogee of corruption in the history of the nation as it was during his time that corruption became officially diluted in Nigeria. Babangida’s caretaker regime headed by Ernest Shonekan survived only until late 1993 when General Sani Abacha took power in another military coup. Abacha proved perhaps Nigeria’s most brutal ruler and employed violence on wide scale to suppress the continuing pandemic of civilian unrest. Money has been found in various western European countries banks traced to him. He avoided coup plots by bribing army generals. Several hundred millions dollars in accounts traced to him were unearthed in 1999. The regime came to an end when the director was found dead amid dubious circumstances. Abacha’s death yielded an opportunity for return to civilian rule. Nigeria re-achieved democracy in 1999 when it elected Olusegun Obasanjo as the new president ending almost thirty three-years of military rule. (From 1966 until 1999) excluding the short-lived second republic (1979 and 1983) by military dictators who seized power in coups d’état and counter-coups during the Nigeria military juntas of 1966-1979 and 1983-1998. Although the elections that brought Obasanjo to power in 1999 and again in 2003 were condemned as unfair, Nigeria marked improvements in attempts to tackle government corruption and to hasten development. While Obasanjo showed willingness to fight corruption, he was accused by many. After Obasanjo unwillingly completed his tenure, Umaru Musa Yaradua of the people’s Democratic Party, came into power in the general election of 2007- an election that was witnessed and condemned by international community as being massively flawed. Yar’adua died on the 5th of May 2010. Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan was sworn in as Yar’adua’s replacement on 6 may 2010 becoming Nigeria’s 14th head of state. On the 18 may, 2011, the national Assembly approved President Goodluck Jonathan’s nomination of former Kaduna state governor Namadi Sambo, an architect, for the position of Vice president of the federal Republic of Nigeria. They will serve in their respective positions until the next election which is scheduled for January 2011 by the present INEC Chairman Prof. Attahiru Jega.

Does Nigeria have a viable future? In contemporary Nigeria, the quality of thought and intellectual practice, which under-grid the social and public policy domains are abysmally low. While academic pursuits provide the raw material for intellectual Endeavour, the pursuit and development of an intellectual culture presumes an inherent love, reverence and conscious cultivation of a tradition of learning and scholarship. The lack of an intellectual base and our lack of appreciation for same are demonstrated by the fact that currently, Nigeria has no institution for advanced studies of any kind. A society like Nigeria should initiate a stable funding to create an environment to nurture creative and original thinkers, otherwise, they will not be able to produce an enduring constitutional or legal framework for the conduct of its business, including its governance .In any viable socio-political and economic system, which is what a nation-state is when tripped of the accretions of emotionalism, posturing and myths on which patriotism is anchored, the vision, philosophy and ideology that gives validity, credibility and legitimacy to the national personality is embodied within a constitutional framework, the ideas, which give life to the citizenry, depend on the depth of the intellectual anchor and relevant underpinnings of the national vision. Since ideas are the defining signature of culture and determine its historical relevance, genealogy and life span. These factors shape evolution and civilization.

It is a task, which demands a committed and engaged leadership class. We had earlier observed that Nigeria’s status in the power equation of the new world order revolves around the size and dynamism of its economy. Given the reality on the ground, we should be under no illusions that anyone regards us as the giant of Africa. It is a myth that lulls us into a false sense of importance and achievement. Given our resources, it is also a circumstance that portrays us as an incompetent, uncaring and visionless society for, in the modern world, no elite faced with these dire statistics can sleep easy. And the reasons are obvious, religious killings, food riots, and violent protests over living conditions, especially housing, disillusionment and loss of hope in a viable future in the youth- all these have brought down many a government in the history of the contemporary Nigeria. It is a truism that the best guarantor of social stability and social harmony is prosperous and growing economy. In the modern world, it is economics that drives the politics but here in Nigeria, who knows what is driving us, do you?

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